There is much talk in government and academic circles of
‘innovation ecosystems’, in which focused government interventions create an
environment (or ecology) in which companies can be nurtured, grown and developed.
Similar to ecology where organisms interact with one another and with their
physical environment, the expectation is that with the appropriate start in
life, the innovation ecosystem will blossom, put down roots and eventually
become sustainable. There are several well-known examples where this has
happened around the world, mostly where there is a cluster of high technology
companies located near a world-leading university. Within the UK, the example
most frequently cited is Cambridge, where over many decades strategic corporate
partnerships and spin off companies have worked with the University, leading to
a plethora of science parks, supplier relationships and new collaboration
opportunities. In the USA, there are several examples, notably Silicon Valley,
California and Boston, Massachusetts. And there are other examples in Europe,
Asia and even a fledgling ICT Village in Madagascar, facilitated by the United
Nations. In an innovation ecosystem, there may be an ‘anchor institution’
(usually a university), that provides an environment for knowledge exchange,
skills development, and networking. There will be many innovative small
companies, which could be spin offs, subsidiaries of large companies or
independent. There are opportunities to find out about new technologies and
ways of working, leading to collaboration and the development of new products
and services. Business angels and venture capitalists will be drawn to the area
to invest, large companies will seek to develop their supply chain there, and all
this should lead to new jobs and wealth creation.
Apart from a few cases, most of the successful innovation
ecosystems are in urban areas. Clearly, networking and collaboration are enabled
by closer physical proximity, but there is no doubt that such activities would
be of great benefit in rural areas, which are characterised by lower levels of
productivity and economic performance. In a
recent article in the Journal of Corporate Citizenship (Marshall and
Murphy, 2017), we have explored some of the issues facing rural innovation
ecosystems. Rural settlements are defined in terms of population density. The
dispersed populations obviously mean that businesses and communities are more
isolated, so that travel times to access customers or collaborators, or to
undertake normal business activities are longer. There are other issues too.
Opportunities for young people, particularly those with higher level skills,
tend to be fewer; typically they leave and move to urban areas. This makes the
population demographics relatively older. This effect is further enhanced as
rural areas attract people in later life, as retirees, commuters to urban
areas, or home-based workers – all seeking a better lifestyle, or enhanced
‘wellbeing’. Larger employers, in the public, voluntary and private sectors,
are more likely to be smaller subsidiaries. There do not tend to be specialist
medical centres, or leading research hubs located rurally. There is a vicious
circle around attracting, retaining and developing skilled professionals into
the area, as it is hard to provide a package that supports their career
development.
However, rural areas do attract a particular type of
mid-career, skilled professional. They may have held senior roles in larger
urban organisations and may have good networks in their own field. They are
often attracted to relocate to a rural area, perhaps to accompany a spouse
taking up one of the few senior professional roles, or possibly more
proactively because they seek a better work-life balance, a desire for a rural
lifestyle and wellbeing. Many become self-employed and many are highly
innovative. There is evidence that rural economies are sustained by more varied
types of businesses, including new business models, social enterprises and
clustering of micro-businesses. Unlike what seems to be the conventional image
held by policy-makers, these business owners may not be desirous of growth, but
to prefer lower risk choices. They may also be older and they may be more
likely to be female. Social enterprise
models in which there is a major volunteer element (such as Broadband for the
Rural North (B4RN)) are prevalent. There may be links to cultural industries,
particularly associated with the landscape and heritage of the area. The
reasons for these differences are, of course, related to the population
sparsity, the difficulties in accessing resources, people and skills. However,
there is emerging evidence that there are also differences in aspirations,
lifestyle choices and preferences. Rural areas are populated by individuals,
many of whom work in more than one part-time role. Their lives can be a complex
mix of paid and unpaid work, self-employment, educational and caring
activities. Of course, this is not only a rural phenomenon, but there are
certainly fewer opportunities for more conventional roles, meaning that this
pattern is prevalent. This means that a rural innovation ecosystem could be
something very different from a conventional urban one. It may be less about
supporting high technology businesses to grow fast and more about developing
individuals to sustain a balanced rural economy. It may require different types
of structure, leadership and ‘anchoring’.
As a starting point, we need to understand more about the
kinds of businesses in our rural economy, how they use new knowledge to
innovate, how they network and collaborate, and what kind of external business
support is useful to them. At the University of Cumbria, we are starting to
explore this in a small pilot study on the Innovation
Capabilities of SMEs, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council
(ESRC) and Innovate UK, in collaboration with the Universities of Exeter,
Edinburgh, Essex. For further information: iflas@cumbria.ac.uk
Alison Marshall, David
F Murphy and Katie Carr
Institute for
Leadership and Sustainability
12 July 2018
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